WEYMOUTH: What were you trying to accomplish in getting the Likud Party to pass this resolution? NETANYAHU: It isn’t a personal issue. It was raised because of statements made by the prime minister about [the creation of] a Palestinian state.
Some say that your move backfired. Polls fluctuate. I am prepared to propose full self-government for the Palestinians with every right except the right to destroy the Jewish state. Nobody wants the Palestinians to have a state that could import weapons freely, make military pacts with Iran or Iraq, control our airspace or build an army that could threaten Israel.
Do you believe that the Palestinians will be satisfied with self-government? I don’t envision governing one Palestinian.
About a month ago, you told me Sharon had no sense of direction. Do you still feel this way? The action taken by the Sharon government against the Palestinian terrorist encampments was a very good one. To neutralize terror, we have to do three things: first, expel Arafat and his corrupt dictatorial regime; second, cleanse the territories of all terrorists and terrorist weaponry, and third, facilitate a security separation–[erect] a barrier to prevent terrorists from getting through to our cities.
Are there other leaders in the Palestinian Authority that will emerge if Arafat goes? The U.S. should lead a process of reformation and economic rebuilding of the Palestinian areas, but this is a process that will take many years.
Why did so many of the Likud members say later that they accept the inevitability of a Palestinian state? I don’t think they accept a state that has full powers. And from a negotiating point of view, it doesn’t make sense to give your final position in advance of a negotiation.
If you were going to ultimately accept a Palestinian state, you wouldn’t accept it now? That is not my position, but if it were, I would hold back. The last thing we should do is volunteer statehood upfront.
What do you think of the position of the Bush administration? Have you been disappointed? It is hard for us to complain about the American position when there have been voices inside Israel that have agreed to some of the things the American government has put forth.
What’s your opinion of the Saudi peace plan? I don’t think there is a Saudi peace plan. There is a Saudi plan to exculpate the Saudis from years of financing Al Qaeda and Taliban terrorism.
When do you think there will be Israeli elections? I don’t necessarily want to see them, contrary to popular belief. As far as I am concerned they can take place in their own due time. What I have done is take a stand on something I deeply believe in.
When you were prime minister, you gave back Hebron, negotiated with Syria and appeared to be quite pragmatic. I was pragmatic. We recognized the fact that there was a signed agreement, a very flawed one, but one that had been approved by our Parliament.
Do you have a vision of a future settlement? Obviously, it will involve a territorial component, but I won’t volunteer any concessions in advance nor what powers the Palestinians would have.
Do you think that you will become prime minister soon? When the time comes, yes… But I think that the most important point is to stake out a policy position… When I first said we would have to enter and cleanse the Palestinian areas, I was dismissed. But, in a short time people saw the wisdom. Now we’ve put on the international agenda the need to balance Palestinian demands with Israeli security needs. Ultimately, this will serve the cause of peace.
